Human Civilization, Ethnic Identity, the Tea Industry, Labour and Accountability

November 11, 2026, 8:36 pm

By Syed Amiruzzaman

The world is a realm of ceaseless activity. The entire universe is an immense workshop where work continues day and night, without interruption. In essence, life itself is work. The history of human civilization is the history of class struggle. Human beings and human society are integral parts of nature. Therefore, the history and evolution of humankind, the formation of ethnic identities, and the origins of human societies must be explored within the broader context of the evolution of the natural world.

Human history is often portrayed as a chronicle of wars between nations or as the record of the achievements of a handful of kings, military commanders and political leaders. At times, the motives of these individuals are explained merely in terms of personal ambition or individual policies. For instance, a ruler is said to have conquered another country simply because of personal ambition or to have undertaken particular actions because of individual convictions. In reality, however, ordinary people are the principal subject of scientific historical inquiry.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels sought answers to fundamental questions: How has human society reached its present condition? Why do societies change? And what transformations may occur in the future course of human history? Through their investigations, they concluded that social changes are not accidental occurrences. Like changes in the natural world, they take place according to certain objective laws. This understanding made it possible to develop a scientific theory of society, founded upon the material conditions and practical experiences of human life.

In advocating solidarity, organization and transformation in support of the principle that those who labour should be entitled to the wealth they create, Karl Marx famously wrote:

“Philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways; the point, however, is to change it.”

Ethnic Identity, Power and the Politics of Cultural Domination

In the independent and sovereign People's Republic of Bangladesh, various communities other than the Bengali majority have lived within the country's borders since the earliest periods of recorded history. Yet, in the pursuit of social and political interests, successive dominant groups have subjected these communities to various imposed labels, including Adivasi (indigenous people), tribal, small ethnic groups and minor ethnic communities.

Some influential figures in the cultural establishment, however, strongly object to the use of certain terms, particularly the term ethnic minority. They have presented elaborate arguments to justify their objections. Such opposition is hardly surprising. Showing sympathy towards marginalized communities is relatively easy; granting them equal rights is infinitely more difficult. Those who loudly proclaim their cultural superiority understand this distinction better than anyone.

These individuals, too, are part of the dominant Bengali social establishment. Their political interests are deeply rooted in the power structures of the ruling majority. The terminology historically used to stigmatize and humiliate marginalized peoples has, in many instances, been inherited from European imperialist and colonial traditions. Such terminology was largely absent from Bengali writings produced a century ago.

Throughout colonial history, numerous terms were devised to classify and demean the peoples of subjugated territories. European imperialism constructed racial hierarchies based on skin colour, eyes, noses, foreheads, jaws, hair and body hair, seeking to establish the supposed superiority of Europeans and justify their domination over other peoples.

The ideology of white supremacy effectively claimed that white people had received divine authority to rule over black people. The brutal exploitation, enslavement, racial discrimination and systematic oppression imposed upon African and African-American communities are extensively documented in Black literature.

Terms such as uncivilized, barbarian, savage and aboriginal were historically employed to portray colonized peoples as inferior. Such language served the political interests of imperial powers by weakening the psychological resistance of conquered populations. When military domination alone proved insufficient, cultural superiority became another instrument of conquest.

The powerful have consistently sought to weaken others, exploit their resources and maintain their dominance through ever-changing strategies. One of the most effective methods has been to undermine the indigenous cultures of subjugated peoples and make them dependent upon the culture of the ruling power. Once a community loses its cultural autonomy, it becomes vulnerable to intellectual and social dependency.

Even after gaining political independence, formerly colonized nations are sometimes criticized for promoting nationalism and national culture, with these aspirations dismissed as narrow-minded or exclusionary. Such criticism often reflects the continuing influence of powerful nations and dominant cultural institutions.

The politics of cultural domination also operates through the language of benevolence. Expressions of love, sympathy and generosity towards marginalized communities can sometimes conceal an unequal relationship of power. The underlying message is that their existence, identity, culture and rights depend upon the generosity of the dominant group.

This paternalistic attitude assumes that the dominant civilization has bestowed upon marginalized peoples everything necessary for human existence: language, science, knowledge, medicine, clothing, morality and even the understanding of life and death. In this distorted worldview, marginalized communities are expected to remain eternally subordinate to their self-appointed benefactors.

Such attitudes are not expressions of genuine equality. They are manifestations of cultural hegemony.

Historical Roots of Social and Cultural Domination in the Indian Subcontinent

In ancient India, dominant Aryan groups frequently identified indigenous populations through derogatory terms such as Anarya, Vanara and Rakshasa in order to establish their own supposed superiority.

Through the rigid fourfold caste system, productive communities were relegated to subordinate positions and, in many cases, subjected to untouchability for centuries. Religious injunctions and social regulations became instruments of exploitation and domination.

The development of local languages was also obstructed through the establishment of religious and linguistic supremacy. Certain religious traditions prohibited the study or interpretation of sacred texts in languages other than Sanskrit, threatening those who violated such restrictions with severe religious punishment.

Attempts to suppress the development of the Bengali language continued even during the Sena dynasty. The division of the population into different castes and social categories was fundamentally connected with political interests. Religion and rigid religious regulations became powerful instruments for consolidating and maintaining social domination.

The Bengali people are the modern historical descendants of the diverse populations of ancient India. Through centuries of coexistence, migration and intermixture among Mediterranean or Dravidian, Negroid, Caucasoid, Proto-Australoid and Mongoloid populations, the Bengali ethnic identity evolved.

Consequently, Bengali culture is itself a composite cultural formation, shaped by the contributions of numerous ethnic communities.

Despite this historical intermingling, indigenous communities in Bangladesh continue to preserve distinct cultural traditions, social institutions, production systems, religious practices, rituals, customs, beliefs and forms of collective identity.

Their cultures remain living and evolving traditions. At the same time, many communities continue to hold on to ancestral customs because these traditions represent their historical identity and collective security. Economic and cultural marginalization, however, often increases their dependence on dominant groups and restricts their participation in broader processes of social development.

Every country in the world contains communities that have experienced varying degrees of economic, political and technological marginalization. Some have retained traditional hunting and gathering practices, while others depend upon shifting cultivation, commonly known as jhum cultivation.

Historically, the evolution of organized societies involved successive forms of collective leadership, including clan chiefs, tribal leaders, priests, warrior chiefs, military commanders, emperors and kings. Agricultural societies gradually generated ruling groups that were increasingly detached from direct production.

In every historical period, leadership and domination have depended not merely on physical strength but also on political authority, intellectual strategies and the ability to control institutions.

Before the emergence of capital, military prowess itself constituted a form of wealth and power. Warriors expanded territories through courage, strength and military strategy. Alexander the Great, for example, built an enormous empire through military power and political strategy, extending his conquests as far as the Indian subcontinent.

With the transformation of physical power into technological and institutional power, the nature of domination also changed. In modern societies, political and administrative authority has become the principal instrument of control.

Although democratic constitutions declare that the people are the source of state power, those who occupy positions of authority often seek to deprive ordinary citizens of meaningful power. Through the misuse of state institutions, they consolidate their own authority while weakening the people.

Power, once concentrated in the hands of a ruling establishment, frequently becomes blind to the interests of ordinary citizens. It seeks to become absolute and intolerant of opposition. Repression, discrimination and exploitation then become instruments for preserving political dominance.

Throughout history, such processes have transformed once-powerful communities into marginalized minorities. Having lost land, language, religious autonomy and economic resources, many communities have been pushed towards remote forests, hills and frontier regions.

The indigenous peoples of Bangladesh have experienced similar historical pressures. Despite being citizens of the same sovereign state, many have faced discrimination, deprivation and insecurity under the dominance of the Bengali majority.

Indigenous Communities and Cultural Diversity in Bangladesh

The Santal, Oraon, Munda, Rajbanshi, Garo, Hajong, Khasi, Mal Paharia, Manipuri, Tripura, Mro, Pangkhua, Bawm, Tanchangya, Marma, Rakhine and Chakma communities, among others, maintain their respective cultural traditions within Bangladesh.

Their social, economic, political, spiritual and religious lives are shaped by distinct historical experiences and cultural institutions.

Cultural uniformity is neither possible nor desirable in a country characterized by multiple ethnic identities. Cultural diversity is a natural feature of a shared geographical and political space.

The three hill districts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts provide an important example. Although the Chakma, Marma, Mro, Bawm and other communities share broadly similar geographical and environmental conditions, each possesses a distinct cultural identity.

They may belong to broader Mongoloid ethnological classifications, but their cultural differences demonstrate that physical or anthropological characteristics alone cannot determine cultural identity.

Bengali society itself has historically experienced successive waves of cultural influence. Aryan, Maurya, Shunga, Kushan, Gupta, Pala, Sena, Turkic, Afghan, Mughal, French, Dutch, Portuguese and British powers, among others, exercised political authority over different periods of Bengal's history.

According to the interpretation of historian Dr. Ahmad Sharif, apart from Emperor Kanishka, it is difficult to identify a Bengali ruler exercising sovereign authority throughout much of the three-thousand-year historical period under consideration. This observation highlights the long history of external political domination in Bengal.

As a result, Bengali culture evolved through the assimilation of diverse cultural traditions. The British colonial administration, in particular, sought to establish cultural domination alongside political and economic control.

The British understood that cultural influence could make political domination more durable. They introduced institutional, religious, economic and educational changes designed to strengthen colonial authority.

Their policies included religious conversion, economic restructuring, control over internal and external trade, the Permanent Settlement, the Sunset Law and the manipulation of communal differences between Hindus and Muslims.

European knowledge, science, philosophy and Enlightenment thought were introduced into a society already shaped by its own religious, philosophical and social traditions. While these developments generated new intellectual possibilities, colonial power also used cultural institutions to consolidate its authority.

The emergence of cultural resistance became more visible during the Swadeshi movement.

Italian Marxist thinker Antonio Gramsci emphasized the importance of culture in shaping human consciousness and social responsibility. According to his understanding, culture is not merely an accumulation of customs or artistic expressions. It is an organized process through which individuals develop self-awareness, discipline, intellectual independence and an understanding of their rights and responsibilities.

As discussed by Khandaker Sakhawat Ali (2021, p. 95), Gramsci viewed culture as a means of achieving a higher level of consciousness and understanding one's own social role.

A community that loses its capacity for self-identification and collective self-awareness becomes increasingly vulnerable to domination.

From the eighteenth century through the first decade of the nineteenth century, Bengali society experienced a profound crisis of cultural resistance under the influence of colonial power. The revival of national consciousness became increasingly evident during the second half of the twentieth century.

The struggle for linguistic rights and political autonomy ultimately developed into a mass democratic movement. When democratic aspirations were repeatedly obstructed, armed liberation became an unavoidable historical reality.

The Liberation War of 1971 established Bangladesh as an independent and sovereign state. Yet political independence did not automatically eliminate the psychological and institutional legacies of colonial domination.

Between 16 December 1971 and 15 August 1975, artists, writers, poets, musicians, dancers, researchers and other cultural workers sought to reconstruct Bengali cultural identity through literature, music, theatre, painting, sculpture and historical research.

Liberation, national history, cultural heritage and the search for indigenous roots became central themes in creative and intellectual activities.

This process came to be understood as a journey towards the rediscovery of cultural roots.

However, the absence of fundamental transformation in the economic structure meant that many aspects of everyday social and economic life remained largely unchanged. The war-ravaged economy remained heavily dependent on foreign assistance during the early years of independence.

The assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most members of his family on 15 August 1975 marked a profound political turning point. Subsequently, the principles of Bengali nationalism, secularism and socialism were progressively undermined through constitutional and political changes.

The introduction of Bangladeshi nationalism as a state ideology and the subsequent establishment of Islam as the state religion altered the ideological foundations of the state.

These developments had far-reaching consequences for the cultural consciousness associated with the original aspirations of independence.

Today, Bengali culture is passing through a critical period. In this context, the lives, rights and cultures of indigenous communities living in Bangladesh demand particular attention.

Many of these communities preserve cultural traditions associated with Austro-Asiatic, Dravidian and Mongoloid historical populations. Several elements of their languages, customs, beliefs, rituals and material culture continue to survive within contemporary Bengali society.

Historically, the expansion of dominant political and religious institutions pushed many indigenous communities towards geographical and social marginalization.

The Santals, Mundas, Oraons, Kols and Bhils, among others, represent communities whose histories are associated with the indigenous populations of the subcontinent.

The Garo, Hajong, Rajbanshi, Chakma, Marma, Mro, Tripura, Khiang, Khumi, Tanchangya, Rakhine, Bawm, Pangkhua, Lushai and Chak communities have also maintained distinct cultural traditions across generations.

The Responsibility of the Bengali Majority

The Bengali people, once subjected to colonial domination, now constitute the dominant majority in Bangladesh. Consequently, the state and its institutions bear a special responsibility towards the indigenous communities living within the country.

Unfortunately, the historical experience of colonial subordination has not necessarily prevented the emergence of similar patterns of domination within independent Bangladesh.

Indigenous communities continue to face land dispossession, economic exploitation, political marginalization and cultural insecurity.

Limited access to modern technology, scientific knowledge, institutional education and healthcare has further restricted their economic opportunities.

Many communities remain dependent on traditional shifting cultivation. Inadequate access to modern healthcare has also contributed to continued reliance on traditional healing practices, including herbal medicine, rituals and spiritual treatment.

The right to education in one's mother tongue remains an important unresolved issue.

In the southeastern hill districts, many indigenous families continue to live in traditional elevated houses on hillsides. Indigenous communities in the Barind region and greater Mymensingh, meanwhile, largely inhabit plain-land settlements.

Despite their different geographical circumstances, many of these communities experience severe economic deprivation.

Government initiatives aimed at improving their living conditions, infrastructure, education, healthcare and economic opportunities have not always been adequate.

National development cannot be meaningful or sustainable if large sections of the population remain excluded from its benefits.

The historical marginalization of indigenous communities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts eventually contributed to political unrest and armed conflict.

From 1972 onwards, demands for autonomy, land rights and political recognition increasingly intensified. The conflict between indigenous armed groups and the state security forces continued for decades, resulting in widespread violence, displacement and human suffering.

Between 1972 and 1999, the political struggle in the region included prolonged armed resistance.

The deterioration of Bengali-indigenous relations resulted in serious human rights violations, including allegations of oppression, looting, killings and sexual violence.

A substantial number of indigenous people sought refuge in neighbouring India.

This remains one of the most painful chapters in the history of Bangladesh.

The signing of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord in 1997 marked an important turning point and created the possibility of a new relationship between the Bengali majority and indigenous communities.

However, the full implementation of the Peace Accord, particularly the resolution of land disputes and the effective functioning of land-related institutions, remains essential for establishing lasting peace and mutual trust.

Education, Mother Tongue and Cultural Preservation

The influence of the market economy has also brought changes to indigenous societies. However, these changes do not necessarily represent sustainable improvements in social consciousness or economic conditions.

Recognizing this challenge, indigenous leaders and cultural institutions have undertaken initiatives to teach younger generations to read and write in their respective mother tongues.

According to information provided by the Director of the Tribal Cultural Academy in Bandarban, initiatives were undertaken to provide mother-tongue education to secondary-level students belonging to the Marma, Bawm, Mro and Tanchangya communities.

Alongside language education, arrangements have also been made to teach traditional dances, songs and musical instruments.

Such initiatives are important not merely for preserving cultural heritage but also for strengthening collective identity, dignity and intergenerational continuity.

Language is not simply a means of communication. It is a repository of history, knowledge, memory and collective consciousness.

The protection of indigenous languages must therefore be treated as a fundamental human right and an essential responsibility of the state.

The Tea Industry: Colonial Origins, Capital, Labour and Economic Transformation

The Emergence of the Tea Industry in Sylhet and Assam

The commercial tea industry developed in Sylhet and Assam during the nineteenth century. British tea planters, principally English, Scottish and Irish entrepreneurs, initiated large-scale commercial tea cultivation in the hilly terrain of Sylhet and the elevated lands of Assam.

In 1839, the Assam Tea Company was established through the joint efforts of British investors and wealthy Indian businessmen, including Prince Dwarkanath Tagore, Babu Motilal Seal, Haji Hashem Ispahani and others.

The company's name was formally announced in London. Its initial capital in February 1839 amounted to approximately £300,000 (US$500,000, according to the historical account cited here). Shortly afterwards, it merged with the Bengal Tea Association established in Calcutta.

Robert Bruce discovered indigenous tea plants in the highlands of Assam in 1834. In 1855, indigenous tea plants were also discovered on Chandkhani Hill in Sylhet. Around the same period, wild tea plants were identified in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills.

Tea cultivation also began in Chittagong in 1840. Chinese tea seedlings were imported for this purpose, while Chinese varieties cultivated at the Calcutta Botanical Garden were planted locally.

In 1854, Malnicherra Tea Estate was established in Sylhet, becoming the first commercial tea garden in the territory of present-day Bangladesh. Two additional estates, Lal Chand and Matiranga, were established in 1860.

Initially, tea estates were established through private initiatives. However, the severe economic downturn of the 1860s discouraged individual investment, and the industry gradually came under the control of large companies.

Following this downturn, James Finlay established a dominant position in the tea industry of Sylhet.

Towards the end of the nineteenth century, a small class of indigenous entrepreneurs also became involved in the industry. Nevertheless, foreign companies retained their dominance.

Local tea planters remained dependent on European entrepreneurs for technological knowledge, processing facilities and access to international markets.

Despite this imbalance, a degree of cooperation developed between local and foreign investors.

Following the Partition of India in 1947, many Hindu owners of tea estates left the newly established Pakistan and migrated to India. Their departure created an ownership vacuum that was subsequently filled by West Pakistani investors and Urdu-speaking Muslim business groups who had migrated from northern India to Pakistan.

Ownership Patterns in the Tea Industry

Historically, tea estates in Bangladesh have been divided into three principal ownership categories:

* Sterling companies;

* Bangladeshi companies;

* Individually owned estates.

Sterling companies generally refer to enterprises owned by European investors, particularly British interests.

Bangladeshi companies were established under the Companies Act of 1913, while the third category consists of individually owned tea estates.

In terms of average size, sterling-company estates have historically been the largest, with an average area of approximately 1,648 acres.

Bangladeshi company-owned estates have an average area of around 669 acres, while individually owned estates are generally smaller, averaging approximately 343 acres.

Indigenous Tea Varieties and the Development of Scientific Cultivation

During the initial phase of commercial tea production in India, Chinese tea varieties and Chinese labourers were considered essential to the development of the industry.

Approximately 42,000 Chinese tea seedlings were cultivated at the Calcutta Botanical Garden and transported to Darjeeling and Assam.

Most of these plants died during transportation, while many of the remaining seedlings failed after transplantation.

Paradoxically, this failure proved beneficial to the industry. Researchers and planters subsequently began paying greater attention to indigenous tea varieties.

Instead of relying exclusively on Chinese varieties or hybrid tea plants, greater emphasis was placed on developing tea from locally discovered plants.

In 1851, Assam Brand Tea received royal recognition.

On 4 January 1856, indigenous tea plants were identified in Sylhet, generating considerable enthusiasm among European planters and British administrators.

They became convinced that commercial tea cultivation could be profitable in Sylhet because of its relatively advanced educational, cultural and communication infrastructure.

T. P. Larkins, the Magistrate of Sylhet at the time, submitted a report to the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal describing the abundance of naturally growing tea plants on Chandkhani Hill.

Samples were sent to the Indian Agricultural Society in Calcutta for scientific examination.

Larkins also recommended that the colonial administration award 50 rupees to Mohammad Waris, who had discovered the indigenous tea plants.

This episode demonstrates that local knowledge and indigenous contributions played an important role in the development of the tea industry.

The First Phase: European Corporate Dominance

The 1860s can be regarded as the first major phase of commercial tea-industry expansion.

For British investors, investment in tea cultivation was comparable to the opportunities associated with the California Gold Rush.

Retired military officers, physicians, engineers, veterinary surgeons, ship captains, chemists, shopkeepers and former government employees entered the tea business.

Excessive investment, however, soon generated a severe economic crisis.

The downturn was not permanent. During the 1870s, the tea industry gradually achieved commercial stability.

In the 1880s, large companies began acquiring privately established tea estates, and investment increasingly became concentrated in large-scale corporate enterprises.

Table 1: European Companies and Agency Houses in the Tea Industry

| Name of agency house | Land area (acres) |

| -------------------------- | ----------------- |

| James Finlay | 26,935 |

| Octavius Steel | 14,776 |

| Macleod & Company | 5,337 |

| Shaw & Wallace | 4,180 |

| Barlow & Company | 3,241 |

| Planters Stores & Agencies | 3,028 |

| King Hamilton & Company | 2,095 |

| Duncan Brothers | 1,848 |

| Barry & Company | 1,315 |

| Williamson & Magor | 1,280 |

| J. Macillican | 1,219 |

| Macneill | 849 |

| Andrew Yule | 799 |

| Grindlay | 616 |

| Kilburn Company | 400 |

| Wacker | 327 |

| W. Cresswell | 255 |

| National Agency | 237 |

| Total | 68,737 |

James Finlay and the Expansion of Tea Capital

James Finlay occupies a prominent position in the history of Bangladesh's tea industry.

The company was established in Glasgow in 1745. Its founder's son, Kirkman Finlay, subsequently expanded the company's business across America, Europe and India.

In 1861, John Muir acquired most of the company's shares and became its new proprietor. The company was renamed Finlay & Muir, although it continued to be widely known as James Finlay.

In 1882, John Muir established two tea companies: North Sylhet Tea Company and South Sylhet Tea Company.

During the 1880s, the capital of James Finlay Company amounted to approximately £5.5 million.

Most of its tea estates were situated in present-day Sylhet, although the company also maintained estates in Assam, southern India and Sri Lanka.

During the 1950s, Finlay operated tea estates covering approximately 270,000 acres across Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka, employing nearly 70,000 people.

From the late nineteenth century onwards, its tea markets expanded across the United States, Europe, Russia and Australia.

Tea gradually became a widely available and affordable beverage in international markets.

The Taylor Map of 1910 provides valuable information about the geographical distribution of Finlay and other European tea estates in Sylhet.

James Finlay expanded its influence through several methods:

* Leasing uncultivated and government-owned land;

* Acquiring land belonging to the Maharaja of Tripura;

* Purchasing land from ordinary local residents.

Through these strategies, the company established a dominant position in the tea industry of southern Sylhet.

By the end of the nineteenth century, Sylhet had emerged as one of the principal centres of tea production.

In 1893, tea production in Sylhet reached 20,627,000 pounds, approximately equivalent to the output of Sibsagar, one of Assam's leading tea-producing districts.

This upward trend continued until 1900.

In 1904–05, Sylhet had 123 tea estates, of which 110 were owned by Europeans.

Statistics from 1910 indicate that approximately 95 per cent of tea estates were foreign-owned, while local entrepreneurs controlled the remaining 5 per cent.

By 1920, local ownership had increased to approximately 10 per cent.

Technological Progress and the Development of Tea Production

During the 1870s, most machinery required for tea production was imported from Britain.

One of the initial challenges was the shortage of fuel. Tea processing initially depended heavily on charcoal produced from forest timber.

Later, coal and petroleum products were introduced as alternative sources of energy.

The improvement in fuel supplies contributed to increased production and better-quality tea.

The completion of the Assam-Bengal Railway during the 1890s, together with the expansion of river transport, played an important role in the development of the industry.

Improved transportation substantially reduced the cost of moving tea from plantations to commercial markets.

Scientific advances also contributed to the identification of suitable land for tea cultivation.

Harold H. Mann, a British scientist, conducted research demonstrating that the hills of Sylhet and certain other designated areas were suitable for producing high-quality tea.

Foreign entrepreneurs maintained their technological advantage through scientific knowledge, managerial expertise and access to international markets.

However, their achievements also depended upon exchanges of information and cooperation with local entrepreneurs and indigenous sources of knowledge.

Two prominent Sylhet lawyers, Harendra Chandra Singh and Pramod Chandra Datta, authored a book entitled Workman's Breach of Contract, examining the legal provisions relating to the recruitment of tea workers.

Their research provided useful legal information for both local and European tea entrepreneurs.

In 1933, a local manager named Avinash Chandra published a book on tea cultivation and scientific developments in the industry.

He emphasized that the book combined practical experience with local knowledge and would serve as a valuable guide for tea producers.

Another important group of local contributors consisted of the Tila Babus, who examined the quality of land and informed European planters about local climatic and geographical conditions.

In certain cases, these individuals established new tea estates and subsequently transferred them to European investors.

For example, the New Sylhet Tea Estate was initially owned by a local Bengali entrepreneur.

These examples demonstrate the significant role played by the local educated and landed classes in the capitalist expansion of the tea industry.

Indigenous Entrepreneurs and Joint-Stock Companies

In 1839, European investors established the Assam Tea Company with the cooperation of Hindu and Muslim members of the local elite.

In 1876, the Cachar Native Stock Company was established with capital from entrepreneurs of Sylhet.

It was the first indigenous tea company in Assam and Bengal owned by local investors.

Mosharraf Ali, a prominent lawyer from Sylhet, established the company together with several Hindu associates.

His close friend Jogesh Chandra Chattopadhyay, a senior official in the Assam administration, provided the necessary governmental support.

Mosharraf Ali's son, Monwar Ali, later became a member of the Assam Legislative Council and served as a minister in the Assam government.

Until the Partition of India in 1947, the company's profits continued to be received by Mosharraf Ali's descendants.

Another company, Bharat Samiti Limited, established in 1880, operated Kalinagar Tea Estate.

The company had an authorized capital of 500,000 rupees and paid-up capital of 100,475 rupees.

Indeshwar Tea & Trading Company, established in 1896, operated Indeshwar Tea Estate.

Its authorized capital was 100,000 rupees, while its paid-up capital amounted to 88,785 rupees.

These figures clearly indicate that indigenous companies had relatively limited financial resources.

Most lacked their own tea-processing factories and therefore sent their produce to neighbouring European-owned factories for processing.

This arrangement created a degree of commercial cooperation between local and foreign entrepreneurs.

European planters also acquired land from local zamindars to establish tea estates.

For instance, Zamindar Brajanath Chowdhury leased a substantial portion of his estate to Duncan Brothers, the second-largest Scottish tea company in Sylhet.

With the assistance of Duncan Brothers, he subsequently established Mahabir Tea Estate on 1,065 acres of land in the neighbouring princely state of Tripura.

The estate was named after Maharaja Bir Bikram Manikya Bahadur of Tripura.

Table 2: Indigenous Owners and Companies in the Tea Industry

| Indigenous owner or agent | Tea company or estate | Tea gardens |

| ------------------------------------------- | --------------------- | -------------------------------------------------------------- |

| Gagan Chandra Pal, Calcutta | Bidyanagar Tea Estate | Bidyanagar, Chandnighat, Ramnagar, Chunatigul and Krishnanagar |

| Dutta & Sons, Calcutta | Dakshingul Tea Estate | Dakshingul, Barlekha |

| N. N. Chowdhury, Calcutta | Gobindapur Tea Estate | Gobindapur |

| Gagan Dutta, Calcutta | Kalinagar Tea Estate | Kalinagar, Ratbari |

| Ishwar Chandra Dutta & Prasanna Kumar Dutta | Madanpur Tea Estate | Madanpur, Latu |

Source: Compiled from Taylor's Map, 1910.

In 1911, Khan Bahadur Syed Abdul Majid, the first indigenous minister of Assam Province, established the All India Tea Company in Sylhet with the support of prominent Hindu leaders.

The company had an authorized capital of one million rupees and paid-up capital of 710,985 rupees.

In his 1910 publication, Achyut Charan Chowdhury recorded that ten tea estates were owned by indigenous entrepreneurs at that time.

A local zamindar, Nawab Ali Amjad Khan, established a tea estate named Rangir Chhara, which became the largest indigenous-owned tea estate.

Several prominent Muslim landowners and members of aristocratic families also demonstrated interest in the tea industry.

In 1904, Muhammad Bakht Mazumdar, Karim Bakhsh, Golam Rabbani and Abdul Majid Kaptan Mia jointly owned Brahmanchhara Tea Estate.

Zamindar and political leader Abdur Rashid Chowdhury, together with his son Aminur Rashid Chowdhury, also earned considerable recognition for establishing and managing tea estates in Sylhet. Some of the estates established by their family remain operational.

During 1921–22, a total of 29 indigenous joint-stock companies were registered in Assam Province. Of these, 23 were registered in Sylhet, three in Cachar and the remaining three in other districts of Assam.

Memoirs of British officials and tea planters indicate that approximately 90 per cent of European clubs in Assam Province were located in Sylhet town and its tea estates.

This provides further evidence of Sylhet's importance as the principal centre of the tea industry in Assam.

At that time, 114 joint-stock companies were registered in Assam, approximately one-third of which were tea companies.

Tea companies possessed the largest capital bases among these enterprises.

Meanwhile, Bengali and Marwari businessmen in Calcutta developed commercial networks with the assistance of indigenous tea planters and local business communities in Sylhet.

This led to the establishment of several Calcutta-based indigenous agency houses specializing in the marketing and distribution of tea.

The Tea Industry during the Pakistan Period

The tea industry entered a new phase after the Partition of India in 1947.

An increasing proportion of ownership gradually passed into the hands of West Pakistani capitalist groups.

One of the principal reasons was the departure of many Hindu zamindars and professionals from East Bengal and Sylhet, who migrated to India after Partition.

Many of these individuals had invested substantial capital in the tea industry.

Their departure created an ownership vacuum, which was filled by West Pakistani investors, often with the support of the central government.

According to statistics from 1966, of 114 tea estates:

* 56 were owned by West Pakistani capitalists;

* 47 were owned by European interests;

* Only 11 were owned by Bengali entrepreneurs.

Statistics from 1970 indicate that West Pakistani entrepreneurs owned 74 of the 162 tea estates in the country.

These figures reveal the extent to which the ownership structure of the tea industry had changed during the Pakistan period.

The Tea Industry after the Independence of Bangladesh

The Liberation War of 1971 caused extensive damage to the tea industry.

In 1972, the Government of Bangladesh established a committee to restore the industry to its previous condition.

The committee recommended measures to increase production, reduce production costs and strengthen marketing and distribution systems.

During the first three decades after independence—the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s—British and Scottish companies continued to dominate significant sections of the industry.

The principal reason was that foreign sterling-company estates were approximately three times larger than locally owned estates and generally achieved higher productivity per acre.

According to historical industry statistics, Bangladesh had 162 tea estates at one stage, of which 135 were located in Sylhet Division, 23 in Chattogram and four in the newly established Rangpur Division.

In 2008, annual tea production was approximately 59 million kilograms.

In 2000, Bangladesh ranked ninth among the world's 30 tea-producing countries. By 2008, it had fallen to eleventh position.

Production increased somewhat in 2010.

For many years, tea was one of Bangladesh's important export commodities and a significant source of foreign exchange.

However, population growth and increasing domestic consumption gradually reduced the volume available for export.

In 2009, tea exports declined by approximately 68 per cent to 2.53 million kilograms.

According to the historical figures cited in the source, domestic demand had reached approximately 57 million kilograms annually.

In 1980, Bangladesh produced 40 million kilograms of tea and exported 31 million kilograms.

By the period covered by the historical account, annual production had increased to approximately 60 million kilograms, while exports had fallen to around three million kilograms.

Tea Auctions, Marketing and Financial Institutions

Before 1947, London was the principal centre for tea auctions.

Following the Partition of India, British planters and investors continued to prefer London as the principal auction centre.

India subsequently established its own tea auction system in Calcutta.

Pakistan initially continued to conduct auctions in London before organizing tea auctions in Chittagong.

Auction agencies provide various brokerage services and commercial facilities to tea producers.

Traditionally, these agencies have facilitated payments to producers, access to bank loans and the opening of letters of credit.

They also play an important role in maintaining market stability and ensuring the commercial viability of tea in international markets.

Their responsibilities include:

* Testing and evaluating tea quality;

* Preparing catalogues;

* Grading and sampling;

* Assessing market prices;

* Maintaining production and market statistics;

* Providing commercial information.

Banks also provide financial assistance to tea producers against shipping documents and other trade-related securities.

These institutions collectively form an essential part of the tea industry's financial and commercial infrastructure.

Employment and the Tea Labour Force

The tea industry employs approximately 150,000 workers.

As a labour-intensive agricultural industry, tea cultivation requires a substantial workforce for plantation maintenance, plucking, processing and other related activities.

At the beginning of the 1970s, approximately 120,000 male and female workers were employed in the tea industry, while around 350,000 dependants relied on their earnings.

Most tea workers in Bangladesh are descendants of migrants brought from different parts of India during the nineteenth century.

Their ancestors came principally from the Chota Nagpur region and present-day Jharkhand, as well as Bihar, Odisha, West Bengal and Chhattisgarh.

During the colonial period, British planters recruited these workers to clear forests, establish plantations and provide the labour necessary for commercial tea production.

Many were attracted through promises of employment and better economic opportunities, including the misleading idea that valuable resources could be found simply by digging the land.

However, recruitment frequently involved coercive arrangements, deceptive promises, restrictive labour contracts and conditions that severely limited workers' freedom of movement.

The descendants of these workers gradually became a permanent part of Bangladesh's population.

Today, the overwhelming majority are Bangladeshi citizens, although their communities retain distinct cultural identities and historical connections with their ancestral regions.

Historically referred to as coolies in colonial records, many tea workers continue to live in densely populated and inadequate housing within plantation settlements commonly known as tea labour lines.

Despite generations of contribution to the national economy, tea workers remain among the most economically vulnerable sections of society.

Unemployment and underemployment have also emerged within traditionally labour-dependent tea communities.

Their living conditions, wages, housing, education, healthcare, social security and labour rights remain important concerns requiring sustained public attention.

The history of the tea industry cannot therefore be understood merely through the expansion of plantations, the accumulation of capital or the growth of exports. It must also be understood through the experiences and sacrifices of the workers whose labour created the industry's wealth.

The National Tea Day

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman made an important contribution to the development of Bangladesh's tea industry.

In recognition of his historic role as Chairman of the Bangladesh Tea Board, the Cabinet approved a proposal on 20 July 2020 to observe 4 June, the date on which he assumed responsibility as Chairman of the Tea Board, as National Tea Day every year.

National Tea Day has been observed annually on 4 June since 2021.

The National Tea Award Policy 2022 was also approved.

On 4 June 2023, the National Tea Awards were presented for the first time to eight individuals and institutions across eight categories in recognition of their outstanding contributions to the tea industry.

Recent Development and Expansion of Tea Production

Government initiatives and development programmes have contributed to the expansion of Bangladesh's tea industry.

According to the historical production figures cited in the source:

| Year | Tea production |

| ---- | ---------------- |

| 1970 | 31.38 million kg |

| 2016 | 85.05 million kg |

| 2018 | 82.12 million kg |

| 2019 | 96.07 million kg |

| 2020 | 86.39 million kg |

| 2021 | 96.51 million kg |

| 2022 | 93.83 million kg |

In 2022, the northern districts of Panchagarh, Lalmonirhat, Thakurgaon and Nilphamari produced a record 17.76 million kilograms of tea through large plantations and small-scale tea cultivation.

According to the historical figures presented, Bangladesh had 150 tea estates in 1970, while the number subsequently increased to 168.

The country also developed two tea auction centres: the Chattogram Tea Auction Centre and the Sreemangal Tea Auction Centre.

Since 2002, the Bangladesh Tea Board has implemented various projects to expand small-scale tea cultivation in Panchagarh, Lalmonirhat, Thakurgaon, Nilphamari, Dinajpur and Bandarban in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

These initiatives have achieved considerable success.

The government has also been implementing a development programme entitled Roadmap for Development: Bangladesh Tea Industry.