Some believe the country is on a better path. Others say the promises of the Uprising remain unfulfilled, leaving frustration and confusion in their wake.

A year after the tumultuous revolt, many argue that the quality of life has not improved. In fact, according to them, things have worsened -- economically, politically, and in terms of personal security.

On the other hand, another section of the population insists that the Uprising brought long-overdue reforms. They point to falling inflation, improved law enforcement, and better access to public services as proof that the country is doing better now.

Analysts suggest that while the expectations from the Uprising were sky-high, its outcomes have been mixed. Some say that disappointment set in because the people’s desire for fundamental change has not been visibly realised.

Kowser Ahmed, a small trader who deals in mobile financial services, was among those who joined the protests with high hopes.

The movement, which began as a demand to reform the quota system in public service recruitment, snowballed into a nationwide anti-government Uprising. But today, Kowser is not sure if it was truly a revolution.

“This wasn’t a revolution, but a revenge,” he said.

“Maybe they wanted something from them (the previous government) and didn’t get it. So they took revenge while using others as pawns.”

In August, the month the previous government was toppled, severe floods devastated northeastern Bangladesh. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, which led the protests, launched a relief collection drive at Dhaka University’s Teacher-Student Centre (TSC). Public support was robust.

But Kowser believes the event also exposed flaws in the student group’s leadership.

“They didn’t distribute the relief goods to the people. They should have done something for people’s peace. They joined politics without completing their studies, which means they are greedy. They’re just like the previous government; nothing has changed.”

He accused the new leadership of being power-hungry.

“They’re talking about how to grab power, how they’ll stay in power. One year has passed, but they haven’t said a single word about the people. They claim that everything was done by themselves.

“Then why did a pregnant woman take to the streets? Why did I join with my small child?”

Kowser, who sells from a street corner, also expressed concern about how the 2024 Uprising is being used to rewrite national history.

“Currently, a conspiracy is going on to overshadow the Liberation War with the mass uprising in 2024,” he said.

“They want to wipe off the Language Movement, Victory Day, and Amar Sonar Bangla (the national anthem). They want to forget the Liberation War. Why? We can’t deny the Liberation War.”

Kowser also believes that although women played a vital role in the protests, their current situation has deteriorated.

“I have seen it myself on the bus. The helper doesn’t let women get off, misbehaves, shoves them. Women are teased on the streets. Why? There’s no action. If there was, I would understand, they don’t want these things.”

Following a court verdict, the quota reform protests resumed at Dhaka University in June last year. By July, they had spread across the country.

Ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s remarks at a press conference that month further inflamed tensions. She left for India on Aug 5.

The Uprising drew in people from all walks of life. While some still hope it will pave the way for a new Bangladesh, others have grown disappointed by the lack of visible results.

Many analysts say that public aspirations have not been met, leading to a rise in scepticis 

The government, they say, has failed to improve either the economy or the security situation. There is no clear reform initiative on the horizon.

Nilima Yasmin, a resident of Savar who works in Dhaka, participated in the protests. She now feels less secure in public spaces.

She said, “Earlier, I could work outside late at night without any fear. Now, I’m afraid of going out even during the day. Women are being harassed in places like Dhaka University, and those who do so are being applauded, greeted with flowers. This shows that women have no security.”

Sayeedul Mia, a fruit seller in Mohakhali, said he supported the movement at the time but has not seen any positive changes since.

“The movement was logical, but the aftermath was not well,” he said. “The economic situation has worsened.”

“During the rule of the previous government, the youth became reckless. At that time, I thought they were protesting for the benefit of the country. Now the situation is deteriorating by the day. We are not in a good position. Sometimes, when we bring goods, we cannot sell them properly.”

He illustrated the change in consumer behaviour.

“Previously, a person used to buy five kilograms of mangoes every one or two days. Now, he won’t buy even one or two kilograms of mangoes in 15 days.”

“There will be discipline only when a political government comes to power. Currently, there’s no control. Nobody cares about anyone. Everyone is doing as they please; no one respects others. Now there is no freedom for the common people, no guardians.”

Ridwan Ahmed, a teacher at a private university, was engaged in the protests from the beginning. He says the movement was built on a vision of a fair and inclusive system.

“There was an aspiration for a new system,” he said. “We wanted democracy, transparency, security, and dignity. These were previously received by certain groups, not by the general public. However, I still see no sign of that desire being fulfilled.”

“We are not getting security; we are also lagging in terms of social status. The administration is still non-transparent. The results of the movement are now being manipulated.

“Various political parties are taking advantage of it. Some parties are saying that this is their movement, although it was not a political movement. For these reasons, I am now uncertain about what will happen in the future.”

Grocer Mozammel Sheikh also expressed disappointment.

"It has not been of any use to the people; there is no development for the people. They said there would be reforms, but there are none. No elections, no members, no chairman, what have we achieved in a year?”

The day the Awami League government fell, the country saw vandalism at several important national landmarks.

The Independence Museum in Dhaka’s Suhrawardy Udyan was looted and reduced to rubble. The mural of Bir Shrestha, commemorating the nation’s most revered martyrs, was left in ruins.

At Dhaka University’s Swadhinata Chattar, sculptures were vandalised. The bust of legendary artist Zainul Abedin in Mymensingh was also defaced.

Nehru Ranjan Sarkar of Sunamganj believes these acts show the Uprising was driven by anti-Liberation War forces.

“Now it seems like it was an eyewash. Even though they said nice things during the movement, in the end, people didn’t get anything. If they were the supporters of the Liberation War, they wouldn’t have destroyed these sculptures. They protested against the quota system, and now they are having quotas themselves.”

Members of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement admit that their goals remain unachieved.

Cynthia Jahin Ayesha, a spokesperson, said: “The July movement was intended to rebuild the state. It was not an immediate outburst of anger. It was a mass uprising against years of political oppression, discrimination and looting 

“The reality we see after a year is one that calls for deep concern and political reflection. The interim government, on which the people had limited trust and expected structural reforms in the constitution, state structure, and judiciary, has failed to fulfil that historic responsibility.”

She added, “The discussions on state restructuring that we had expected have not even begun. We do not see any indication of structural reforms at any level in the administrative structure, law-enforcing agencies, judiciary, or political culture.

“Instead of a change, the same defiant power, the same nepotism, the same alienation of the masses are being reproduced. The original aspirations of the July movement are still unfulfilled, and no progressive mark has been left deep in the political structure.”

Professor Kazi Mohammad Mahbobor Rahman of Dhaka University said those responsible for repression over the last decade and a half should have faced justice.

He says the failure to hold them accountable has left the public disillusioned.

“It could have been visible in six months. There was a desire for elections. When I got the time after 15 years, it was supposed to be completed. That too is not visible. The demand for an accountable government also remained elusive.”

Rights activist Khushi Kabir said the interim government failed to stabilise the situation.

“This is where the division comes from, what was the movement meant for? People want security, they want to live comfortably after meeting their basic needs. When the economic situation does not change, when there is no improvement in security, then people become more frustrated.”

Still, some believe the Uprising did make a difference.

Sifat Hossain, a student at Jagannath University, said: “The economy has rebounded, inflation has come under control. The trials of the BDR murder and the Shapla Chattar murder, where many have been victims of injustice, have begun. The prices of essentials are dropping; they were much higher earlier.”

Following the fall of the previous regime, political violence flared up briefly. Attacks were reported against opposition members’ homes and religious sites.

Accusations emerged that teachers were forced to resign on political grounds. In some cases, suspects were assaulted in court. A garland of shoes was recently placed on former chief election commissioner Nurul Huda.

“These incidents had happened before,” said Sifat. “My life and property are safe now. The security of my area, Mirpur, has not been compromised.”

Shanto Ahmed Ratan, a tea stall owner in Mohakhali, said: “Currently, there is no unrest, and the country’s economy is much better than before. Hence, the situation of the people and the country is also better. 

“Some people are creating the mob intentionally. Maybe they had an existing enmity. Normally, everything is better than before. Some incidents were more frequent earlier. We used to be terrified thinking who would pick a fight with us.”

“There have been days when I put away the expensive piece of cake or coffee and then shut my stall just after the Maghrib prayer. Now I keep my stall open until 9pm. This means I feel safer than before. It was quite troublesome for me to do groceries in the last 10 years. Over the last year, I bought everything cheaper.”

Private sector employee Mohammad Sajjad Hossain believes that the movement triggered the reforms.

“The government could not have done these things if the movement weren’t there. Ranging from market prices to airport servicing, VIP movement on the roads, many things are fruitful now. Many reform commissions have been formed, and work is being done on them.”

Habib Mia, a rickshaw driver from Narsingdi, said: “Now people are saved from torture. Earlier, there were threats from the police. I couldn’t speak. The administration could do whatever it wanted.”

“We are now better without that pressure. Ours is a Muslim country; we can’t be nice to India. These issues are now ending. People have full rights, people have freedom.”

[Writing in English by Sabrina Karim Murshed]